On this edition of Journal, we try to make sense of the mish-mash of housing initiatives coming at us from all directions – federal, provincial, and municipal governments.

Two things seem obvious. First, no one is coordinating these various programs, since some of them overlap and some even contradict each other. At one point last spring, research showed there were at least 60 initiatives aimed at developers and builders, supposedly to increase the supply of housing, therefore leading to affordability. But have they?

Second, the whole issue of housing is fractured into parts. There is home ownership, market rental, below market rental, social housing, seniors housing, assisted living, and on and on. Each category gets debated on its own with little attention to how it fits with all the other needs. Policies are then developed sector by sector.

Beau Jarvis sees this as a problem. Beau is the President and CEO of Wesgroup Properties, one of Canada’s largest housing providers. For many years, his company has been a major player in purpose-built rental housing. Many people in government and in the community feel that this is the only answer to affordability, but is it?

Have we completely given up on the idea of ownership – in any form – because it seems so expensive and so impossible?

But at the moment, rental is the flavour of the month, garnering much of the attention and policies to support it. Despite Wesgroup’s strong presence in that market, Beau feels it is a mistake if we aren’t talking about housing as a whole with all its permutations and combinations since piecemeal policy does not guarantee a liveable, affordable city.

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On this edition of Journal, we examine what is happening to the City of Vancouver – and what can be done, if anything, to turn this situation around.

When I was a councillor in the late eighties, I remember one example of how neighbourhood planning was done in those days: on the street, not in backrooms.

A brand new False Creek residential development, to be built on industrial land, while controversial, was to be a centrepiece of new urban planning principles. Immediately, questions arose. How can you have density without amenities like parks? Or the idea that you can’t start building without thoughtful plans for infrastructure and traffic management. Most importantly, you have to talk to residents (or future residents) about their needs.

Larry Beasley, an urban planner for the city, was not content to just send paper reports to Council – he took a group of us councillors down to False Creek so we could actually see the design initiatives that were important to liveability, rather than just plunking down apartments.

As a sidebar, part of the lesson was about quality, dramatically emphasized when he was mid-sentence explaining why a certain kind of rock – rip-rap – had to be used along the shoreline to prevent rats from infesting the residential area. Just at that moment, a rat appeared and scampered up to us. Alright, alright. Pay for the right rip-rap! 

But the point actually is, Larry Beasley was always hands-on: walking the streets, talking to residents, asking questions, listening and responding, ensuring we built a city for its citizens. It is a big reason why Vancouver has so many unique neighbourhoods. And for many years, those streets became mini communities – safe to walk, shop, and talk to your neighbours.

Larry is not happy with what he is seeing today: that the province has decided it can design our cities from Victoria.

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On this edition of Journal: What has happened to the centre-right coalition that ran British Columbia for so many years, under various names (SoCreds, BC Liberals, etc.)?

The latest iteration was cobbled together just before the last provincial election when John Rustad, who had been kicked off the BC Liberals before they became BC United, joined up with the dormant Conservative party – and then Kevin Falcon, the BC United leader, pulled his party out of the race.

And we’re seeing the same kind of division on the right at the municipal level in Vancouver.  

Ahh, BC politics.

And unbelievably, this party with virtually no money, no organization, and a lot of newbie candidates almost won the election. Such was the unhappiness with the NDP government and Premier Eby.

Now, one might have thought that such a surprisingly good result would have given this new group hope and enthusiasm for the future. But no. Instead of all pulling together in the same direction with one eye on the future, the backstabbing and innuendo began.

Whispers and more whispers: John Rustad, the man who brought them so close to victory would be gone by Monday, or next week, or next month.

One year later, five MLAs have left or been kicked out of caucus and a majority of the Conservative Party executive have called for Rustad’s resignation, as have the presidents of five Metro Vancouver ridings. And yet, John Rustad is becoming more and more prominent on social media, talking about issues such as Cowichan, affordability and EV mandates.

To help us understand the machinations of politics in this province is my guest this week, Dr. Stewart Prest, a lecturer in political science at the University of BC.

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On this edition of Journal: healthcare.

How can we ever have a meaningful discussion on how to improve healthcare delivery in Canada when we aren’t even allowed to ask the question? Medicare is perfect – until it isn’t.

Tangentially, this reminds me of the President Biden situation, when all his spokespeople were insisting that he was in perfect health until the public saw with their own eyes during the debate – that, in fact, something was very wrong.

So what are we seeing with our own eyes about healthcare delivery?

All seven OB-GYNY doctors – the entire unit – resigned their positions in the Kamloops hospital, citing unsafe working conditions and staff shortages.

People in Kelowna were told in the spring that the entire pediatric team at Kelowna General Hospital was being closed down due to poor working conditions.

Last year, British Columbia started sending some of our cancer patients to Bellingham, in the US, because we couldn’t guarantee timely treatment.

And of course, our headlines are filled with ER closures around the province: Merritt, Mission, Delta, and on and on. I can’t imagine the family that showed up in the middle of the night with a sick child, only to find the ER closed, thinking our healthcare system is just fine.

And I haven’t even mentioned waitlists and the shortage of family physicians.

One man who has been warning of this impending crisis since 1995 is Dr. Brian Day. He has devoted years – 13 of them – in court fighting provincial and federal governments, trying to be heard.

Brian has recently written a book: “My Fight for Canadian Healthcare.”

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On this edition of Journal: the complexities and needs of our aging population.

I’m a baby boomer and to this day, I am astounded that institutions never saw us coming. With at least five years’ warning before this population boom hit the school system, it seemed to be a surprise when we all arrived – not enough desks, not enough classes, not enough schools.

But that bureaucratic “miss” is nothing compared to what we face today, as these same baby boomers age. Who knew?

Who knew boomers would need more and more complex healthcare as they got older?

Who knew that it would become harder and harder for some seniors to pay rising rents on a fixed income, leading to an increase in homelessness for those over 55?

Who knew that, along with longer lifespans, there would be a commensurate demand for those not able to take care of themselves – a demand for long-term care beds and assisted living services?

Well, here we are – and now we know.

According to British Columbia’s Seniors Advocate, we need at least 5,000 new long term care beds, as the waitlist for seniors needing these beds has grown by 200% in the last ten years.

And this shortage becomes a chokepoint for our entire healthcare system. Hospital beds are often occupied by someone ready to be released from acute care, but can’t until a long-term care bed is available. Then the E.R. gets backed up because a patient that should be admitted to a hospital bed has to stay in the hall of the emergency department because there isn’t an open bed upstairs.

Sounding the alarm on this issue, as well as ageism, is Dan Levitt, our province’s Seniors Advocate.

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On this edition of Journal: an in-depth look at the recent federal budget with one of Canada’s top economists, Jock Finlayson.

You know, a lot has changed recently in how budget information is released. It used to be considered a major failure if anything was leaked before the minister stood up in Parliament and officially read the document into the record. This was to prevent insiders from using information for their own benefit.

In 1983, Marc Lalonde found himself in hot water because he had let a television crew into his office while the yet-to-be-released budget lay on his desk.

In 1989, Michael Wilson took responsibility when a leaked copy was handed to a reporter from a recycling plant. Michael didn’t resign but this was recognized to be a serious misstep.

Not anymore. Now, prereleasing budget initiatives is regarded as performance art. In the weeks leading up to Budget Day in Parliament this year, minister after minister would discuss initiative after initiative that would be included. Housing? We’ve got something for that. Critical minerals? We’ve got that covered.

Prime Minister Mark Carney even gave a speech promising the budget would be transformational, generational – whatever that means.

So while politicos probably regarded all the early positive stories to be a successful manoeuvre, it kinda backfired when Budget Day headlines said: “Over promised, under delivered” or “Big day wasn’t quite as advertised” or “Carney’s budget misses the mark.”

So what should we really be taking away from the government’s financial blueprint in 2025? Jock Finlayson has some warnings we should pay attention to.

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On this edition of Journal, we examine the issue of retail crime and street disorder, and how they are changing the cities we live in.

Last year, Caren McSherry, owner of the Gourmet Warehouse on East Hastings, told her story of how retail crime and intimidation is making her reconsider her business after more than 20 years. Broken windows (that she has to pay for), open theft where three big guys come in and simply take 3 very expensive juicers from the shelves, drugs and disorder on the street, even staff intimidation by one man who came in wearing a garbage bag and stripped. Is it worth it?

Another recent headline featured the owner of the Aura Nightclub on Granville Street, Allan Goodall, talking about how his business has been affected by the move to replace the Howard Johnson Hotel above him with supportive housing in 2020. Since that time, there have been more than 900 calls to the fire department and police say they have received thousands of calls. So, closed business for costly repairs – repeatedly – and intimidation of customers who really don’t feel safe coming into the area. How long can he keep going?

So many small businesses have given up – just look at the boarded-up “For Lease” signs.

John Clarides is the owner of Marquis Wine Cellars on Davie Street. Even though he is not in the direct hit of the Downtown Eastside, his business is also suffering from disorder on the street, vandalism, and shoplifting. His worry is that this is not just hurting his business; the long-term danger is that people are discouraged from coming downtown at all. He says, “When a street dies, a city dies.”

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On this edition of Journal, we look at what is happening in our economy. It is a tumultuous time, quite apart from tariffs. Housing prices, while falling, are still unaffordable for many. Real estate companies have been forced to lay off long time employees. Forestry companies are in big trouble. Youth unemployment hit 14.6% this summer – highest since 2010. And governments are announcing unbelievable deficits.

As well, many citizens are turning against one of the principles of what it means to be Canadian: immigration.

A Nanos poll showed an erosion of support, with 71% of Canadians either strongly or somewhat strongly wanting to reduce the number of immigrants. Most of the wrath is focused on the careless way in which the numbers of Temporary Foreign Workers and international student visas were allowed to balloon, putting pressure on housing, healthcare, education, and social services across the country.

As mayor of Port Coquitlam, Brad West is no stranger to taking the brunt of policies designed by another level of government – the forced densification of British Columbia’s municipalities by the provincial government, which he calls “throwing urban planning out of the window.”

Brad also laments the lack of real action on involuntary care, when we need at least one other forensic psychiatric hospital to care for those who are in desperate need of help. Then there is decriminalization that precipitated such disorder on our streets.

So, it is not surprising that Brad West also has something to say about our economy and immigration. However, his analysis may surprise you.

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On this edition of Journal, we try to find truth amidst all of the contradictory data and headlines on housing.

Not long ago, there was one newspaper story lamenting the disastrous state of residential construction and another story (the very same day) saying things were looking up.

And then, the confusing headline – “Housing starts are up but sales are down.” Huh? What does all this mean?

One thing to know is that in the real estate business, “starts” are a lagging indicator – that means those “starts” are about the past, as contradictory as that sounds. Many of those projects were initiated several years before today and may have been years in the developing / permitting / financing process and are just now in construction – thus, the use of the term “starts.”

On the other hand, sales tell you what is happening real time. How many actual properties successfully changed hands this quarter? How many built condos are sitting empty? One estimate says there are more than 2500 newly built, never lived-in condos available in Metro Vancouver – the highest number in this market in 25 years. rennie Intelligence calls this a “once-in-a-generation opportunity” for buyers.

But does availability mean affordability?

And why so many layoffs in the housing industry?

Ryan Berlin is the senior economist and Director of rennie Intelligence and the man leading a team of housing experts analyzing the data and the public policies shaping our housing market.

He has always been generous to me with his time, his analysis, and his predictions of where we are in the housing cycle and where we might be headed.

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On this edition of Journal, we talk with a woman who embodies the gold standard of leadership. What does it take to be a great leader?

Crystal Smith, Chief Counsellor of the Haisla Nation from 2016 to 2025, was a major public voice supporting LNG Canada in Kitimat, at a time when opposition was vocal and sometimes vicious. But she stood her ground. Crystal believed that only through economic development would she be able to help lift her people out of poverty and despair.

And she did it. LNG Canada is now operational and Cedar LNG, the world’s first to be majority owned by an Indigenous nation, is on its way.

Today, if you visit the Haisla Nation (as I have), you will see a large recreation centre hosting sporting and cultural events, a beautiful health centre offering mental health and addiction support, as well as seeing to the basic medical needs of the community. Overall there is a sense of confidence and well being in the Haisla Nation. Much gratitude is owed to Crystal and former Chief Ellis Ross.

But what did it take to become the leader Crystal is today? It wasn’t easy. She has talked emotionally about her personal or family connection to sexual abuse, drug addiction – and suicide.

Was being a woman an advantage or a disadvantage on this journey?

Was being indigenous an advantage or a disadvantage?

There are lessons to be learned from one woman’s already successful life – and she’s just beginning.

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On this edition of Journal, we focus on the rural-urban divide in healthcare.

Mayor Goetz has spoken movingly about the stress in his community of Merritt caused by the intermittent and unpredictable closings of his hospital’s ER. What do you do when your emergency department is closed and the next nearest is, maybe, a hundred kilometres away?

How many times in the last year have we seen these “temporary” closures in headline after headline, affecting hospitals throughout British Columbia? And it is not just ER closures – we have also seen pediatric care in Kelowna under threat, as well as maternity care in Kamloops and Prince George.

It’s as though we have come to accept the current state of healthcare delivery as the new model.

There are other issues: if your rural hospital can’t do complex operations and you must travel to a city centre – well, who pays for these additional expenses? Not just travel costs but also hotel stays if the procedure requires extended care. And doesn’t the Canada Health Act promise reasonable access to healthcare wherever you live?

Dan Levitt, BC’s Seniors Advocate, also raises the issue of long term care in rural communities. Where do you go if your community just doesn’t have these services?

Working on all these issues is Paul Adams, the executive director of the BC Rural Health Network. This network brings together more than 30 rural municipalities, several regional districts, and more than 70 non-profits to focus on needs and possible solutions. He believes this rural-urban divide has gotten worse since COVID.

So what can we do about it?

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On this edition of Journal, we look at the looming deadlines for mandatory electric car sales in both our province and in the country as a whole.

One headline reads, “Feds on track to eliminate gas cars by 2035” – but are they? That’s only ten years from now – no gas cars being sold?

Besides which, the first deadline is in 2026, only 3 months from now. The federal government says by that time, 20% of car sales must be EVs, while our province is more ambitious in saying it must be 26%. In just 3 months!

So how are these mandates possible? Or is this another of those ambitious promises like the Paris Accords on climate that get signed but never done?

Like most people, I applaud aspirational goals, but I am against writing laws and regulations that are nearly impossible to meet.

Up front, I have to say I have driven an electric car for ten years and I don’t feel biased either for or against EVs. But when it comes to forced mandates on how many electric or plug-in hybrids dealerships must sell, I have some questions.

First of all, 56% of British Columbians oppose forced EV mandates. So how are you going to make this happen?

Then, as Barry Penner, Chair of the Energy Futures Institute, says: It’s like putting the cart before the horse – requiring people to buy electric cars before the infrastructure is in place. We don’t have enough charging stations in the right places to make it work.

Another major consideration is cost. So why would governments stop the rebates when you are wanting more people to buy these cars?

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On this edition of Journal, we take a close look at British Columbia’s recent budget update – and try not to rant in frustration.

It is bad news: a deficit of $11.6 billion, the largest in our history. And it would have been much worse except that the government chose to include revenues of $2.7 billion in future payments from a settlement with tobacco companies. In other words, even though the province is only receiving just over $900 million this year, they included all 18 years of future payments at once, as if it happened today. One journalist called this a dodge, but at the very least, it is misleading.

It’s hard to remember that Premier John Horgan had a surplus of $6 billion when he left government, even after dealing with COVID costs. Today? A different story.

And the much ballyhooed spending cuts are only $300 million in a budget of $95 billion – not even enough to cover revenue losses.

Talented journalist Rob Shaw, senior political reporter with CHEK-TV, says, “It’s like bailing out a flooded bathtub with a shot glass while the tap is still running full blast.”

So, why should we care, when households are focused on just trying to hold it together paying their own mortgage and expenses? 

Well, it’s exactly because households are doing that: trying to keep their finances in order that we should expect our provincial government to do the same.

Joining me to analyze how desperate things are in BC is David Williams, senior policy analyst with the Business Council of BC. David is a scholar who has long studied the direct relationship between public policy and a community’s well-being.

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On this edition of Journal: another look at the growing tension between aboriginal title and individual property rights.

This issue was brought to the fore by the NDP government’s introduction of the Land Act just before the last election. It was a bit of a bombshell, as it indicated that First Nations would co-manage all of British Columbia’s Crown land – 94% of the province.

Because this was done without proper consultation with all the many affected players, including private property holders and businesses, the resulting uproar forced the government to withdraw the Act.

Then this spring, an agreement between the provincial government and the Haida Nation announced the granting of aboriginal title throughout Haida Gwaii. Once again, the question of private property rights arose. Does aboriginal title override both government and private ownership?

And now, we have the momentous Cowichan court decision granting title of land in Richmond to the Cowichan Tribes. The voices expressing concern over private property are growing even louder.

In her judgement, the judge said, in part, that her decision “may give rise to some uncertainty for the fee simple title holders.” That means private property owners; she goes on to say “it may have consequences for their interest in land.”

To help us sort out the actual legal issues and repercussions is one of Canada’s top legal minds in the field of aboriginal law.

Thomas Isaac joins us to analyse these latest developments and what it means to homeowners.

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On this edition of Journal we take a look at one of the most challenging jobs in society: policing.

Think about it. You take an oath to serve and protect others, even if it means putting your own life on the line. Long gone are the days of peaceful protests, putting the bad guys in jail – and keeping them there as your mission.

Police are now expected to be mental health workers, peacekeepers, drug addiction experts, organized crime investigators, and, oh yes, please deal with the disorder on our streets.

Meanwhile, the legal and health environment keeps changing around them. Frequently, the police, after making an arrest, find that individual back on the streets, sometimes on the same day, ready to offend again and again. The courts are letting us down, but is it because of the way the law is written, or is it political directives that influence these decisions?

As well, a new term, complex co-occurring disorders, has entered our vocabulary. This refers to those who are both mentally ill and drug addicted. There is no debate that we as a society have not provided adequate care and facilities for these individuals. So where do they go? In part, due to decriminalization, we see them on our streets – often in desperate shape, sometimes violent.

Into this complex environment has stepped Steve Rai, Vancouver’s new Chief Constable. While he is new to this position, he is not new to the VPD, where he has served for 35 years doing everything from walking the beat in East Vancouver, to being a hostage negotiator for the Emergency Response Team.

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On this edition of Journal, we examine two public policy initiatives that are turning the governing of our province upside down.

Mayor Mike Hurley is directly affected in his 2 roles: first as Chair of the Metro Vancouver Board and second as mayor of Burnaby.

First, an independent report looking at the governance of Metro Vancouver was needed as a result of the tremendous overrun on the wastewater treatment plant – a budget that went from $700 million to $3.6 billion! How could that happen?

Well, the Deloitte report that was just released paints a grim picture:

The Board is too big: 41 directors representing 21 municipalities, Tsawwassen First Nations and electoral area A – too many people around the table.

The politically elected chair should be replaced by a non-elected professional governance expert.

Expenses for the directors should be reevaluated and trimmed.

Basically, the report says that this regional government has outgrown its governance structure and must be changed.

And as if problems at Metro Van weren’t enough of a distraction, the province recently pushed through legislation that, in effect, overrides the municipal jurisdiction of zoning and permitting – Bill 15 – all in the name of fast-tracking favoured projects.

And who gets to decide these lucky winners? The premier and cabinet. Not the Legislature, not First Nations, not municipalities – certainly not you or me.

The government is saying, “trust me.” Already, at least one lawsuit is being threatened.

So for Mayor Hurley, the challenges and changes are coming at him from all directions.

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On this edition of Journal, a look at our food industry and how it is affected by the US President’s on-again, off-again, and maybe on-again tariff threats.

Prime Minister Carney has said our relationship with the United States will never be the same again as a result of this major politically driven trade dispute. Canadians must now rethink our defense policies: our supply chain vulnerabilities, our jobs, and our food security. Do we even have food security if over half of our agrifood imports come from the United States?

Does this need to be the case? What can we do to change that around? Can we grow or process more of our own food? Are we using our land and resources to the best advantage? Are there innovations that we should embrace with an open mind?

Dr. Lenore Newman is one of Canada’s top experts on food security. Currently, she is director of the Food and Agriculture Institute at the University of the Fraser Valley, where she holds a Canada Research Chair in food security.

As early as 2019, Lenore was part of BC’s Food Security Taskforce that presented to premier John Horgan and his government their recommendations on how we could improve our situation. Did anything come of that report?

Recently, she contributed to a Canada Research Council document called “The Next Course,” which enthusiastically makes the case for Canada to become a “living lab where the world’s food future is born.”

Dr. Lenore Newman joins us to explore the opportunities Canada has to enhance our own food security.

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On this edition of Journal, we examine economic reconciliation in action – and not just in theory. Derek Epp is Chief of the Ch’íyáqtel First Nations, one of 9 First Nations in the Chilliwack area. What they have managed to achieve is remarkable.

The Conference Board of Canada has done reports identifying the factors that lead to successful economic development for First Nations communities. In brief they are: strong leadership and vision, an economic development plan, access to capital, good governance and management, accountability, and strong relationships and partnerships.

The Chee-act-in have ticked all of these boxes under Chief Epp’s leadership. Derek adds one more essential value: ownership. He is an active investor, developer, and partner. And as he says, they have flipped the script and gone from being 90% government-supported to 90% own source funding.

As well, as a result of their emphasis on healthcare and mental health support, they now have no children in the Ministry’s care. Derek Epp is a visionary as he tries novel solutions to the issues a small urban reserve faces.

While his first degree was in social work with a specialization in First Nations studies, he has gone on to study aboriginal management at the University of British Columbia. He is comfortable talking about zoning, infrastructure, financial partnerships, taxes, and deal making – all part of the Chee-act-in success story.

Chief Derek Epp joins us to discuss why his model works and what others can learn from their experience.

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On this episode of Journal, we try to untangle the complicated, twisted world of transit.

I think most would agree that good transit makes for a liveable city or region and also helps with affordability. So when Translink announced that by June of this year, they would be running a $600 million deficit and would have to start cutting service, it got my attention.

Already there are some routes where the bus is full by the first stop, and others where service is too infrequent to be useful. So more people, less service – and a huge deficit.

Even more surprising was trying to figure out who is actually driving the bus. Who is responsible for a regional transit plan? Is there one? Since the business plan is obviously broken, who has the authority to fix it?

TransLink – the organization that announced it was in trouble – has its own board of directors but it isn’t exactly independent. The Mayor’s Council on Regional Transportation over at Metro Vancouver must approve their budget. But – and it is a big BUT – they can’t tell TransLink how to spend the money.

Ultimately it comes down to the provincial government. In an attempt to stanch the bleeding, the Eby government promised $312 million in operations funding, which will give TransLink stable funding for 2 years. At best, this has been described as a bandaid and not a long-term solution.

Mayor Brad West is the Chair of Metro Vancouver’s Mayor’s Council on regional transportation. He is very aware of the weaknesses inherent in this overlapping governance model and has some thoughts on the need for a long term solution.

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On this edition of Journal: in the midst of political turmoil on all fronts, we take a look at how democracy is holding up as a governance construct. Too often, the phrase thrown at political adversaries is that you or your party are a threat to democracy – overused, in my opinion.

As Paul Wells says in one of his thoughtful commentaries, “Democracy is supposed to be a conversation.” But what happens if one of the sides stops talking? For instance, by proroguing parliament because no business could be done while the prime minister refused the Speaker’s order for him to produce requested documents?

Or what happens when the Emergencies Act, a powerful last resort to maintain the security of our nation, is enacted over a messy, noisy truck convoy? The courts eventually found this action to be unreasonable, not justified, and violated the Charter right to freedom of expression.

Or when Bill 7 is written enabling the Premier of British Columbia to override regulations and rules without engaging the legislature, all in the name of Trump tariffs? Public outcry forced Premier Eby to remove the most egregious Clause 4.

What is going on?

We, as a community, as a country, trust in the idea of democracy. We trust our elected leaders to not take advantage of their power position, to not ignore the rights of legislatures or parliaments to be part of the discussion.

So are honking horns and threatening trade tariffs on the same level of national security? I think not.

Clearly, democracy takes vigilance and work. Dr. Stewart Prest, a lecturer in political science at UBC joins me to consider these trends.

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